El runrún crece en el partido amarillo. La financiación, secreto a voces de la política nacional. La sorpresa es un bien escaso. Pandora tiene una caja grande.
Por Marcelo Falak
La divulgación de supuestos chats de Telegram del ministro de Justicia y Seguridad de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires en uso de licencia Marcelo D’Alessandro generó dos tipos de reacciones principales en Juntos por el Cambio en general y en el PRO en particular: la de quienes callan y la de quienes se apegan al rap del hackeo y el montaje K, sin aclarar hasta qué punto creen en lo primero –esto es, que el escándalo tiene un fondo de verdad– o en lo segundo –que es una calumnia–. Una importante fuente partidaria sintetizó, en diálogo con Letra P, los dos tipos de reacciones: "De lo que estamos hablando es del financiamiento de la política y en ese tema nadie mea agua bendita".
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La expresión de confianza en la inocencia de D’Alessandro que profirió Horacio Rodríguez Larreta –víctima por excelencia del thriller– no sorprende dado que los chats revelarían –en caso de ser veraces– mucho más que connivencias personales con empresarios periodísticos, relaciones pluscuamperfectas con miembros relevantes del Poder Judicial y terminales en la propia Corte Suprema. Lo que quedaría al aire sería un vínculo promiscuo con contratistas del estado local, retornos de dinero vivo y "negocios" que se propondrían a la máxima autoridad. En otras palabras, el financiamiento de la política, el cable pelado de la política Argentina.
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Los presuntos intercambios entre D’Alessandro y Marcelo Violante –dueño del contrato vencido de las grúas, cuyo canon de explotación ha pasado a ser una ganga, y también de estacionamientos en la ciudad– darían cuenta de favores, buenos oficios para evitar multas y obtener beneficios judiciales, entrega de sumas de dinero y hasta de la presentación de ideas de "negocio" a "Horacio". "Cuando (Rodríguez Larreta) ‘compró’ a Marcelo, sabía que era un hombre muy vinculado al mundo judicial y a otros factores. Era un riesgo y hoy no hay lugar para la sorpresa", le dijo a Letra P otra fuente PRO.
La narrativa del establishment sobre la corrupción es tan engañosa como la corrupción misma y le hace creer a la gente que el fenómeno sirve principalmente para el enriquecimiento personal de "cuatro vivos". Sin embargo, a veces conviene dejar de pensar que la Argentina es el centro del universo y observar, con fines de esclarecimiento, los usos más efectivos de la corrupción en países de prácticas y hasta cultura política similares. Del Mani Pulite italiano al mensalão y el petrolão brasileños surge que esos esquemas sirven, más que nada, para financiar una política que es mucho más cara que lo que consta en los dibujos que los diferentes partidos y alianzas presentan a la Justicia después de cada elección. Lo del dinero enterrado en el desierto y las excavadoras podría dar lugar a un original género cinematográfico, una suerte de western "dulce de leche", pero no más que eso.
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El Gran DJ toca de nuevo
La idea de una campaña sucia hace presumir que la saga podría arreciar cuando llegue el momento de las definiciones de las candidaturas y, sobre todo, cuando estas estén definidas y, ya sin la posible apelación a planes B, la vulnerabilidad sea total ante las denuncias.
La creencia es generalizada acerca de que un sector del cristinismo aprovecha la volteada para dar idea de que "todos son lo mismo". No es casual que Rodríguez Larreta haya negado esa consigna en sus redes sociales. Se aclara, justamente, lo que requiere aclaración.
Sin embargo, ¿la fuente primaria de la filtración es un sector de inteligencia vinculado al cristinismo? Allí surgen las dudas en el partido amarillo, dado que es escaso el petróleo que subyace a la idea de la igualación para abajo de las cataduras morales: si el PRO cayera en las encuestas, los paleolibertarios ganarían mucho más que el Frente de Todos. Los principales beneficiarios políticos de la exposición de la política al desnudo son, en efecto, los sectores más ultras, los ubicados más a la derecha y los que hacen proselitismo con el rechazo al statu quo y con el hartazgo de una sociedad que, en buena medida, se siente expoliada por sus dirigencias.
También hay personajes de ese perfil en el PRO. Patricia Bullrich es una de quienes se han mantenido mayormente en silencio, más allá de denunciar la supuesta existencia de un núcleo de militares implantados por César Milani en la Agencia Federal de Inteligencia (AFI) y de haber filtrado que Rodríguez Larreta fue "tibio" con D’Alessandro, a quien debería haber bancado totalmente en caso de creer en su inocencia o echado directamente en la hipótesis contraria.
Bullrich calla sobre lo central, esto es si la operación de inteligencia que divulga los chats muestra una verdad o una obra de ficción. En el larretismo le achacan hipocresía en su crítica a la licencia tibia de D’Alessandro. "Ella también corrió de la escena a (Gerardo) Milman" cuando arreciaron las denuncias sobre la falta de expertise en inteligencia criminal de sus colaboradoras modelos y el runrún sobre su supuesto conocimiento del atentado que se preparaba contra Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Una digresión: dado el clima actual, ¿no habría que vincular aquel magnicidio fallido con otra conspiración de algún absceso del Estado paralelo?
Mientras, el silencio cunde. "Nadie mea agua bendita", recordemos y Clarín contó que Bullrich llamó a D’Alessandro –el de los contactos judiciales y empresariales– para sondear si estaba lo suficientemente resentido con el jefe de Gobierno como para pasarse de bando con sus aparentes secretos y habilidades. Para ella, el desgaste de Rodríguez Larreta es pura ganancia.
Por ahora, el CABAleaks es un fenómeno de Círculo Rojo, esto es de la política y de la parte de la sociedad más politizada e informada. El larretismo confía en encapsular la cuestión allí en base a los lazos mediáticos que exponen los propios chats, por caso con el Grupo Clarín. Sin embargo, teme que el escándalo se prolongue en el tiempo con nuevas revelaciones, lo que podría hacer que las sospechas permeen más abajo en la opinión pública y lleguen a oídos de quienes hoy no se interesan demasiado por el asunto.
Si Bullrich gana con el desgaste de su rival, ¿también lo hace Mauricio Macri? En principio sí y no hay una sola fuente que no lo describa como todavía deseoso de tener revancha presidencial. Sin embargo, el problema del exmandatario no son tanto los números de intención de voto y de rechazo de Larreta y de Bullrich, sino los suyos propios. Hoy, sabe, su nombre en la boleta del PRO sería un collar de melones más que una solución. ¿Pero si la mancha de aceite se extendiera?
Las operaciones de inteligencia que el PRO capitalizó en 2015 con todo lo que rodeó a la muerte de Alberto Nisman, hoy se le vuelven en contra con el CABAleaks. Los que ayer sufrían, hoy aprovechan y viceversa, mientras que todos y todas confían en la "mayor seguridad" de Telegram. Bueno… La política no termina de entender que, sobre todo si no se sanea, le convendría unirse para terminar con las cloacas que le cuentan las costillas en público.
Ay… la grieta es irresistible.
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